Archival Encounters Part I: Rare Books and Special Collections, University of British Columbia
Research Dossier: Mary Maillard
January 18, 2018 11:00-2:00
BOX 1 Folder 2 1872
Letter, Ford Madox Brown to William Rosetti, June 17, 1872
Re: Dante Gabriel Rosetti “selling house contents.” Gabriel’s instruction. Gabriel “exhausted”
“Gabriel was tired he said – from 7 to 9 we drove out & he enjoyed this much & said nothing about the people we met. The worst time is from 6 in the morning till noon then he is desponding & so obstinate that he will take nothing that is good for him. The delusions still not good but he keeps them more to himself & they seem more often now to take the form of terrible exaggerated despondency without irrationality.Will you ask them at Euston Square to send on the box of Pills which [?lly] last ordered by Gabriel
They were forgotten
The worst symptom we have to deal with now is the craving for spirits & wine accompanied with fearful bursts of temper – I also notice that on all small matters his judgment seems weaker than ever though on such points it was never good – on more serious questions however such as bargains – his conduct towards friends like Graham selecting scenery that might be useful to print & other important topics he seems quite sound. I have written to Scott to replace me here on Tuesday.
With kind regards to all your family yours affectionately
Ford Madox Brown”
June 28, 1872. “Gabriel has just received an offer for the china from Howell of ~550 or 600”
Letter from T. G[ordon] Hake to Mr. [Ford Madox]
Describes Gabriel Rosetti’s paranoia, whistling birds that sound to him like the cries of boys, delusions, misinterpretations, the servants are out to get him. Hake views seine fishing, and the drawing in of the nets, as an allegory of his own situation with Gabriel; “my persecutors are gradually narrowing the net around me.”
BOX 17 Folder 3
Kept by William Michael Rosetti (1829-1919), writer, critic, the brother of Dante Gabriel Rosetti (1828-1882).Physical description: grey paper-bound booklet, thin, 26pp [1865-67]
Transcription p. 9: “far from feeble in point of mere motion. For some time while it cd not be determined whn Lizzie was still there. At last a clear No was obtained. Are you a good spirit? No. Bad!. No. Midway? No. A devil? No. Are you trifling with us? Yes. I th[?] have put in its proper place somewhat early in the colloquy with Lizzie a question put by Lyster. Is Christianity true? Yes. That which is ordinarily meant by “the Christian religion”? Yes. Also I asked: Did you see me yesterday in Highgate cemetery? No. (I had gone to the cemetery for Mrs. Hannay’s funeral). Do you know the Davenports? No. Do you know that Gabriel attended their seance a few days ago? No. Do you know what will be the [ ? ] of Christian illness? No.”
“Jan, 25 Feb,-16 Cheyne Walk, Studio.- F & I at the table (a small japanned one): G engaged hard by in working on his old design of Hamlet & Ophelia, wherein the O. is drawn from Lizzie. Full gas-light. (Recorded 26 Feb) The table began almost immedly giving ticks (probably insignificant) & then faint clearer motions. Answers all by motions as usual. I Is any spirit present? Yes. Will you give your surname? [ ? ] over alphabet. EERS. Understanding this to be Elizabeth Eleanor Rosetti I said: Is that Lizzie? Yes. Hereupon I suggested that Gabriel shd take my place, which he did & I remained near the table. Did you see that drawing I was working on? Yes. Do you remember it? Yes.”
RBSC-ARC-1721 Pearce/Darwin Fox Collection
January 19, 2018
Box 1 Folder 79
File title: 1853 The Phrenological & Mesmeric Chart, J.S. Butterworth
Description: whole newsprint sheet, maps of head sections, descriptions of “organs,” personality, character traits.
Box 1 Folder 61 “Notes of a Mesmeric Performance”
Writer not identified, probably Charles Darwin’s second cousin, Rev. William Darwin Fox (1805-1880)
Note: For Darwin, Fox, and other 19th C scientists, phrenology and mesmerism were legitimate science disciplines.
“Anecdotes & Jokes”
Box 1 Folder 22
Note: Most of these jokes mock someone of another nationality.
January 12, 2018, January 17, 2018
UBC digitized FN letters //open.library.ubc.ca/collections/florence/items/1.0018107#p0z-5r0f:
Letter, Florence Nightingale to Julius Mohl and Mary Mohl, February 3, 1874
Location: Box 1, Folder 41 [UBC website 42]
Description: Florence Nightingale informs the Mohls of Selena Bracebridge’s death. She comments on Dr. Livingstone’s death, the Bengal Famine, the recent death of her father, and her mother’s dementia. She also mentions her brother-in-law Sir Harry Verney and the likelihood that Parliament will fall.
People mentioned: Nightingale, Florence, 1820-1910; Bracebridge, Selina, 1800-1874; Livingstone, David, 1813-1873; Verney, Harry, Sir, 1801-1894.
Importance of the document: Nightingale provides an accurate and moving description of the late stages of her mother’s senile dementia from the point of view of both a professional nurse and a daughter. Viewed in a spiritual light and in the context of the recent deaths of both Nightingale’s father and her motherly friend—Selena Bracebridge—her mother’s mental deterioration amplifies the ongoingness of her loss and grief. The letter begins as an obituary notice for Bracebridge but builds, through references to Livingstone’s death and the Bengal Famine, into an eloquent expression of her personal triple loss. I speculate that this Feb 3, 1874, letter marks an important juncture/rupture in Nightingale’s life and that the almost simultaneous deaths of her close friend and her father, combined with the mental death of her mother, changed her in profound ways.
Writing idiosyncrasies: Nightingale employs colons instead of periods and commas, and she both indents and outdents her paragraphs.
Markings: In addition to archivist’s notes at the top of each page, it appears that another person has edited Nightingale’s letter in pencil by adding and deleting text [see p.1, p.5] and supplying square brackets. Another person has underlined Nightingale’s final paragraph in red pencil.
The paper is lined in black for mourning.
Question: about authorship of pencilled additions: In this 1874 letter—like one on June 18, 1875 to Madame Mohl [below] and another August 4, 1872 to Madame Mohl—the pencillings seem to be in a different hand. Is this a literary editor? family member? literary executor? FN on a bad day? If this is FN, could her handwriting change that dramatically from ink to pencil, from right-hand slant to more vertical? A large section of the letter is pencilled into the body of the 1875 letter; if it is another person, why would that section of the letter have been left blank to be filled in? In the pencilled Aug 4, 1872, letter to Madame Mohl, the address, date, place, salutation, and first three lines are in the same hand as her inked 1874 letter. The rest of the letter resembles the different pencilled handwriting of the 1874 letter, including square brackets. Does she change her handwriting in the middle of the letter?
FN had 5 or 6 servants: was one of them a personal secretary? Did FN dictate letters or portions of her letters? Is this her duplicate copy?
The pencilled-in words from this Feb 3, 1874, letter—“with difficulty of swallowing”—also appear in another [unfinished, unsigned] letter written on the following day to Harry and Parthe Verney, Feb 4, 1874 [Wellcome (Claydon copy) in Lynne McDonald, ed., Florence Nightingale’s European Travels Vol. 7.] The repetition would suggest that the pencillings are Florence Nightingale’s thoughts and words.
In other letters she switches from pencil to pen and in one, it is all pencil. The personal pronoun “I” and a few other regularly used words appear to be the same in both hands.
Conclusion: it appears the pencillings and inked writing are all Florence Nightingale’s. These letters must be FN’s own copies. The radically different handwriting styles could be explained by the different postures she assumed when writing in pen and ink—while sitting upright at a desk—and when pencilling—propped up in bed—where she spent most of her time post-Crimean-War.
Annotations: Selena Bracebridge, Julius and Mary Mohl, David Livingston, Harry Verney, Bengal Famine, “theodike.”
Note: the juxtaposed concepts of Christian resurrection and Greek mythology:
“pale likeness of her rising again” and “another dawn”
“not a chastened Christian saint” and “Apollo”
Lynn McDonald, Florence Nightingale’s European Travels: Collected Works of Florence Nightingale, Volume 7 (Waterloo, ON: Wilfred Laurier University Press, 2006), ix.
Florence Nightingale, Suggestions for Thought: Selections and Commentaries (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994), xxiii, xxiv. [intellectual bio of Julius Mohl and ‘theodike’]
Walter Brueggeman, Reverberations of Faith: A Theological Handbook, 212. [definition of theodike]
Citation: Nightingale, Florence, 1820-1910. “[Letter, Florence Nightingale to Julius Mohl and Mary Mohl, February 3, 1874].” C. Vancouver : University of British Columbia Library, 3 Feb. 1874. Original Format: University of British Columbia Library. Rare Books and Special Collections. Florence Nightingale Collection. RBSC-ARC-1734-01-042. Web. 11 Jan. 2018. <//open.library.ubc.ca/collections/florence/items/1.0018123>. Florence Nightingale Letters.
Context: I looked in both Box 1 and Box 2 for other letters written in 1874 related to family health and spiritual matters, and found only one 1874 letter in Box 2, not relevant. I then searched the closest letters to the February 3, 1874, letter and examined:
July 30, 1872
FN to Mary Mohl
Mr. Bracebridge has died [UBC website folder 36]
June 12 1873
FN to Mary Mohl
Not on mourning paper [UBC website folder 39]
June 19, 1873
FN to Julius Mohl [UBC website folder 40]
On mourning paper – Who died??
“The Drawing rooms are being fitted up for my Mother”
FN to Julius Mohl, June 21 1873 [UBC website folder 41]
received letter – sorry that his knee is bothering him
“he will be able to relieve Miss Eleanor of the cat”
“Since I shall keep the Drawing room bedrooms, after I have fitted them up for my mother, open to you.”
No foreshadowing of grief to come.
FN to Madame Mary Mohl June 18, 1875 [UBC website folder 43]
last page signed “old Flo” June 25/75
another hand has underlined in red pencil “Upper Norwood” and “35 South St”
No mention of sadness or sorrow. “in charge of my Mother, by Doctor’s orders, as her only chance of recovering strength enough to see once more her old home (Lea Hurst) after which she cruelly craved. Here she is happy: happy at least as compared with her miserable unhappiness in London.”
“Vicissitudes from slavery to power: & from power to slavery again”
Question: What is she thinking when she sections off text into square brackets?
January 24, 2018
There are a hundred boxes of material.
Folder 5 – yellow post-it notes “x – type jobs, bike messenger, marketing assistant, waitress, waiter, dee-jaying”
Folder 7-8 black notebooks, clear handwriting, not a lot of scribbling, some doodles at back [finding aid: folder 7 notebook contains early short stories and folder 8 contains notes for Gen X]
Doug’s Christmas List
He asks for stamps, stamp album, plants, ivy. At twelve, he is a precocious lad, already interested in learning about “the world,” especially the United States. His list demonstrates artistic leanings, an interest in the cost of things, aesthetic use of space, orderliness, and a dry sense of humur. The Xmas list looks like it’s been through the wash.
Folder 10 – large pencil/charcoal drawing man [according to the finding aid, this is a life sketch from art class at Emily Carr c. 1982]
Folder 12 – Processed World magazines 1987-89 – COOL, poetry, graphics, comics, essays
Folder 13 – more Processed World magazines
Folder 15 X Generation manuscript 99 pp
Folder 16 X Generation 100-197
Folder 17 miscellaneous ephemera: e.g. torn piece of a yellow post-it note, world map, movie ticket for Jackass, 1970s empty stamp envelope
From Jennifer Douglas, “Original Order, Added Value? Archival Theory and the Douglas Coupland Fonds”
“In the note, Weir [Coupland’s partner] explains that the boxes are in ‘random order’, and makes clear his expectation that a significant amount of sorting should take place. Weir’s note implies that the physical order of the files as received by the RBSC might not result solely from Coupland’s arrangement activities and, further, that there is no deep significance to the order, which Weir considers to be mostly arbitrary, provisional and in need of the archivist’s attention (53).”
Publishing, copyright, travel, well-connected, jetsetter, CELEBRITY
PHOTO 1993 note black felt pen to Celia Duthie
PHOTO Mr.Bizot – written in black felt pen, “couldn’t read your fax…do you have a black pen? Also, what is your telephone # [attitude]
PHOTO note to Bill Gibson on original fax paper
January 24, 2018
Itsuka Research, 5 folders
1987-1988 National Association of Japanese Canadians: Labour materials
Joy Kagawa is on the Executive of the NAJC
Roy Miki, fellow activist
Publication of booklet: Democracy Betrayed: The Case for Redress
A Submission to the Government of Canada on the violation of rights and freedoms of Japanese Canadians during and after World War II.
National Association of Japanese Canadians, n.d.
Box 17 – 9 folders
National Redress Committee 1961-1985
Feb 11, 19 87, “healing”
NAJC meeting materials
Re: Itsuka, the sequel to Obasan. Joy Kagawa’s publisher is Lester, Orpen, Dennys, and her editor is Louise Dennys [old guard Canlit].
Letter from Joy Kogawa to Louise Dennys, January 16, 1990 p.1
Draft 4, Joy is “beyond exhaustion” in a “black hole” “almost without sleeping and eating since our one and only meeting just before Christmas.”
“I was quite desperate for editorial consultation after you left and since you were out of the country, tried to get in touch with Meg Masters but she wasn’t there either, so I waded in.”[According to her 2018 Linked In profile, Meg Masters worked as Executive Editor at Penguin Books Canada from January 1989 to July 1999.]
Note: publishers’ sales conferences always happen at the beginning of January, prep between Xmas and New Years, so Joy Kogawa asked for help at a bad time. Dennys, on the other hand, familiar with writers’ dependence, perhaps should have let Kogawa know that no one would be available.
Editor Meg Masters sees the ms. as two books, Louise views it as one.
“I could not find anywhere any belief in the book from any of the notes, nor from our meeting. And the fact that my request to move to a contract has not been acted on, convinced me that whatever initial enthusiasm you had felt for the book was now gone.
“Two of my favourite characters…are gone….I realize, as I type this out, that I mourn them—and that can’t be a good sign.
“I’m going to be showing this book to other publishing houses. At this point of anxiety, I need to know if it’s okay or not, and if it isn’t, I’m sure people will tell me. At the moment, I don’t think I could face another minute of the way I’ve been feeling this last few weeks.”
Question: Was she tied up in a two-book deal? The kind that kills the writer’s soul? [Follow through on this editor/writer relationship: friend, editor, guide, therapist, confessor, intellectual equal, advisor, listener, supporter. Issues of trust, belief, vulnerability, power, editorial/publisher agenda different from author’s.]
p.2 “August 17” Meg and Louise contradicting each other in their advice to Joy.
“I thought I needed to hear one voice. Yours. I was given two voices. Now I think I need about four or five voices, in order to be able to hear one voice from the mixture – though maybe that isn’t possible.”
Faxed memo/letter from Louise Dennys to Meg Masters, December 3, 1989
Meg Masters thinks that the “redress campaign” part of the story should be “left for another story.” “The inclusions of letters and petitions are enervating.” [marginal note: Dennys questions whether this is true] At this point, for Masters, “the story becomes ‘slow and less interesting.” She gives advice about restructuring the redress campaign and by focusing on one or two character’s experience, “memories of a life distorted by the War Measures Act.”
Handwritten note from Joy Kogawa to Louise Dennys, April 16, 1990, thanking her for her helpful notes for Draft 5, the “final final.”
April. Undated handwritten note in red felt pen from Louise Dennys to Joy signed “love Louise” So, the book went ahead with Penguin and all was well between JK and Louise Dennys.
Folders 3-6 Joy Kogawa’s short handwritten notes and various drafts of the manuscript.
1992 Reviews of Itsuka. Well-received. Calgary Herald headline “Novel focuses on Canada’s shame”
Folder 2 1992 Fan mail & reviews
Folder 3 – 1992 reviews
Folder 4 – 1992 & 1994 reviews
Folder 5 – 1992-1995 fan, reviews, May 26 1993 letter from Maggie, re: hardcover and revisions in paperback. June 5, 1993, response from Donald re: revised version. He finds it better than the original. “reparations battle”
Folder 6+ Hsuka Business files
Folders 11-13 Obasan movie correspondence
Folder 15 – JK is reviewer of Tomoko Makabe’s “Picture Brides: Japanese Immigrant Women in Canada”
Folders 16-17 – ms. & reviews “Rain Ascends”
Folder 18 1992 “Naomi’s Road” theatrical production [Young People’s Theatre, based on novel Obasan], school materials, study guide, fan letters from children
Folders 19-21 other productions of Naomi’s Road
Note: [read Julie McGonegal, “The Future of Racial Memory” – analysis of Kogawa’s project of [Christian] forgiveness and reconciliation [does McGonegal’s analysis apply to Indigenous TRC, Chinese reparations, etc?]
[Gently to Nagasaki, 2016, Caitlin Press, Kogawa’s memoir, includes the story of her discovery of her priest father’s abuse of boys. Exposure and shame in community, caught in the act by two other priests when she was a teen. Theme of forgiveness. She is 81 when this comes out.
It took her ten years to write. Another silence revealed, traces in archive?//nationalpost.com/entertainment/books/book-reviews/joy-kogawa-comes-to-terms-with-her-fathers-abuse-of-boys-in-her-new-memoir-gently-to-nagasaki]
[Kogawa’s views on the 1937 Rape of Nanking, 20 million died between 1931 and 1935. This history has been suppressed, caused divisions in Japanese Canadian community.] //vancouversun.com/opinion/columnists/douglas-todd-joy-kogawas-many-shades-of-japanese-canadian-shame
September 2017 “Why I Support the Nanjing Commemorative Day” by Joy Kogawa//www.thestar.com/opinion/commentary/2017/09/15/why-i-support-the-nanjing-massacre-commemorative-day-act-joy-kogawa.html ]
Japanese Canadian Research Collection
January 23 & 25, 2018
Rev. Yoshimitsu Akagawa’s records, mostly all in Japanese
[archivist notes on two narrow envelopes] ‘Introductory letters from Japan [Yunza][Georgia] Church when he first came to this continent’
Undated in Japanese on letterhead “The Canadian Japanese Association, Vancouver BC.”
Graduation Diploma – Miss Yasuno Ono, March, Meiji (1903)
Cover page from 3-ring binder “Memoirs of the Late Reverend Yoshimitsu Akagawa”
“Churches and His Work 1910-1951” underlined in red ink
Almost everything in this folder is in Japanese language
Typescript list of Japanese missions. Akagawa served New Westminster (1910-1912) (1914-1917))(1924-1934), Fraser Valley 1934, Ocean Falls 1922, Manitoba 1942
Early Mission work, in Japanese, letterhead “The Fraser Valley Japanese United Church” [New Westminster address], “The Manitoba Japanese United Church, Winnipeg”
Onion skin paper, section headings, “Cumberland – Vancouver – Steveston”
“New Westminster” “Victoria, Ocean Falls, Okanagan Valley”
“Spanish Flu 1918 (Oct-Nov) p 41 [appears to be a list] [good genealogical resource, should to be translated]
“Hokko (The Northern Light) 1915”
“Japan trip 1919” [the only record, archivist note, see 91]
Letter from Hugh Dobson, President of the United Church of Canada, Conference of British Columbia, to ministers in charge of Japanese Congregations, B.C. Conference, September 8, 1941.[Note: before Pearl Harbor]
Assurance that the church is against prejudice, avoiding publicity so as not to stir up the “ ‘rabble’ ”
Need for “private conversations with your trusted leaders”
Working with media and government to “exercise their influence against any disturbance and for common security”
“a very high percentage of Japanese were born in Canada”
“we cannot control in any country evil spirits that fan in their selfish interest racial prejudice, but as Christians we are against them.”
“Will you at the same time counsel them [leaders and youth leaders] to have care in their conversation or action not to give offence to authorities which might be made the occasion for some lawless action by prejudiced persons?” [mob action?]
Akagawa was right in the middle of building a church in Mission, B.C. [Docs at end of file] when the evacuation order came
Yellow 3-ring ½ size binder tab “World War II Pacific War 1941-1942, Evacuation, Manitoba”
Evacuation – notes in Japanese
Notes on repatriation numbers and where they were sent: Toronto, Manitoba, Kaslo, Christina Lake, Greenwood, Slocan, Kamloops, Int. Camp (many), Lethbridge, Fort Williams, Tashma
“Always be a Christian” (Farewell Message) 1942 [in Japanese] on blank cover sheet, the next paper may not be the speech
“Motor Trip to Manitoba” [in Japanese]
PHOTO typescript “The following are the places and persons of Japanese, which I have to visit and serve”
“Took Sick Aug 1950 – Retirement June 1951”
Parish lists, addresses, dates 
“Manitoba Flood 1950” [in Japanese]
“Sermon – Flood & Religion”
“Memoir ½ Century”
Leather bound book [size of a parish records book, LARGE] embossed on cover “RECORDS” [typed label on inside reads “Memoirs of the Late Reverend Yoshimitsu Akawgawa: Dairy (1933-1942, 1944)
At the back of the book is a sheaf of onion-skin paper lists of people [parishioners] with birth dates [invaluable resource for genealogists], western numerals.
Collection of newspaper clippings, wartime, on treatment of Japanese internees. Commission says they received fair treatment. 1943
Kelowna wants Japanese male labor only – exclusion and removal of all others (April 21, 1943)
The term “Japs” commonly used in newspaper stories
“Move to Deport Japanese” on a mass scale opposed by the United Church, St. Andrews Wesley
Note: Akagawa was not interned and therefore not prohibited from receiving printed materials. He therefore could collect relevant news clippings. But it is not clear from the finding aid whether or not it was Akagawa who collected these clippings.
Newspaper Headlines[most of the clippings do not have dates or newspaper name but they seem to be 1943/44 in Vancouver: Daily Province, Vancouver Herald, Vancouver Sun]
Question: Would Japanese internments have been considered national news or, because most of the camps were located in B.C., would this have been only provincially newsworthy? Restricting media coverage to B.C. would have minimized bad publicity for the federal government [stripping of civil rights, atrocious camp conditions, plunder of property]? In other words, effective silencing.
Question: Who or what group collected these clippings? or have they been put in here from different sources?
“Orange Lodge Backs Jap Ban”
“Every Japanese in Canada should be sent back to Japan when the war is over and, as far as possible, only British immigrants should be allowed to enter the Dominion, members of Grand Orange Lodge, British Columbia, urged Thursday in resolutions passed at closing sessions of a three-day convention in Hotel Georgia.”….”The members agreed that all Japanese property in Canada should be sold and the proceeds should go toward reduction of the cost of internment of Nipponese here and toward the cost of deporting them” “In this connection it was resolved that Japanese should be “forever prohibited” from acquiring any interest in property in the Dominion.” [?Vancouver Sun]
Question: How powerful, how influential, were the Orange Lodge in Vancouver? What makes their convention resolutions newsworthy?[Ulster unionists]
“Americans Hate Japs More than Germany” [U.S. Gallup Poll]
“Jap Internees Pampered”
March 20, 1943 “Jap Evacuation Violation of Constitutional Rights”
May 22 [no year], Daily Province, “Japs’ Chances for Education Better Than B.C. Whites”
Lots of clippings about Etsuji Morii, his gang, extortion, terrorism, working within the Security Commission, his close association with the RCMP
Background information on Morii //www.japanesecanadianhistory.ca/Chapter3.html#a2
Morii a “spy for the RCMP” Vancouver Daily Province, November 6, 1942
Morii feared in the same way that Al Capone was feared
Evacuees blackmailed by him
Nov 10, 1942, “Police Deny Morii Charge” Morii not friendly to Canada
“Claim Winch Scored R.C.M. P.” The Vancouver Daily Province, November 18, 1942
Harold Winch, MLA [leader of the B.C. CCF (Cooperative Commonwealth Federation)] quoted in newspaper saying to Japanese evacuees housed in Vancouver immigration sheds, “I know how you feel about the R.C.M. P. I personally hate their guts too!”
“Kootenays Oppose Becoming Dumping Ground for Japs”
Dec 22, 1943 “Majority of Canadians Back Japanese Repatriation After War”
“Mr. Mackenzie’s Racialism”
Vital Statistics of Japanese in British Columbia Compiled from the Bulletin of the B.C. Board of Health by Dr. M. Miyazaki, 1937.
Japanese notes, maps in Manitoba, beet grower’s agreement, map of Manitoba. It looks like the Reverend covered large distances in his pastoral work.
Japanese Canadian Research Collection (cont’d)
January 24-25, 2018
The whole box is Rev. Yoshimitsu Akagawa (United Church, Winnipeg)
Yoshimitsu Akagawa keeps records mostly in the Japanese language and then duplicates some of them into English, presumably for the United Church. I have pulled out the English text.
Three-hole half size binder notebook with coloured tabs, 1941-1949, written in Japanese, news clippings pasted in, date order mixed, some accounts, pastoral care visits?
Occasional English words:[after red tab]
We left Vancouver on 13th and arrived at Grand Forks 14th 330 pm. I had a lovely trip. Thank you very much for everything you have done for us while I was home. Mrs. Yamasaki arrived here yesterday an liked here very much. Will write soon.
May 14, 1942 (Fuki Yamasaki)”
Question: Is he recording (in Japanese and occasionally English) the correspondence he has received? Yes, it looks like it.[Next page, in middle of Japanese text, handwritten English]
“Camp No. 1”
“Evacuation from Defence Areas ‘Oriental Canadians’ Angus Mac[Kinnis]
‘The attack on Pearl Harbor in Dec. 1941 caused fear of possible sabotage from Orientals on the West Coast. In British Columbia a citizen’s committee was form to press for action. Finally the British Columbia Security Commission was established by the Federal Government. It undertook the removal of those of Japanese origin, receiving, with few exemptions, their wholehearted cooperation and it is noteworthy that throughout this period the Mounted Police failed to discern a single act of sabotage on the part of any person of Japanese origin.”
PHOTO This text typed into the bottom section of the handwritten page: “Now the great majority are settled in the mountain valleys of the interior in pioneer conditions, with their homes disrupted, their businesses gone; their property is being sold by the Custodian of Enemy Alien Property, their educational and social needs are neglected, and great uncertainty about the future hang over their heads. Comparatively few have found the opportunity to take their families to eastern Canada. Small wonder that they cling together in the Interior settlements rather than to plunge into the unknown east where hostility might prove even greater than the hostility they had known on the West Coast.”[next page]
“Japanese in Manitoba” “Since April of 1942 Quite number of Japanese were moved in Manitoba and some number of them were moved out in various reason. At present time the following numbers of people are living in several scattered valleys and towns around in an area of more than 100 square miles. Health conditions of them seems as much better than when they were in Western Coast.”
“75 percent of them are living on farms of good location and 25 percent of them are [con[ei]derble].”
“Within them 11 families are receiving maintenance.”
“50 people are engaged industrial works in year around.”[I can “hear” his accent in the writing]
100 working at logging camp and sawmill.
Many wanted to enlist but were turned down.
“Most of the people are helping farmers. sugar co. [beets?] War industrial work in various way like these”
“Tend sugar beet. harvest grain, daily, look after cows & pigs, [ ] chicks, rais eggs working at manufacturing Co (tannery, welding shop). peat moss. logging and sawmill (cutting pulp, making tie logs)”
“They are receiving the same base of treatment with White People by Price Board and selective service with White People”
“Christians among them at present in Manitoba: 33 families, 90 in person (include children) beside these numbers since 1942 till now”
“Moved out 5 families 14 persons”
“Meeting are holding for preaching”
Letellier at United Church
“Arnand at school house”
“Oak Bluff at school house”
“Winnipeg and several other places at private houses”
“Mr. Earnst, representative of B.C.S.C., told me about 75 percent of our people in Manitoba are byeing war stamps and tags to help win the war, sometime he saw a interesting insident. The some Japanese happened to come in his office, each of them had tag on his coat, and these tags were for Chinese relief fund. These are what Japanese doing about three weeks ago.”[Research note: tags for Chinese relief fund. Is this for the relief of people in China, in B.C.? What is the historical relationship between B.C.’s Chinese and Japanese communities?]
“Second generation [Grants] in Toronto has unanimously declined to take any part in the distribution of Japanese food stuffs which arrived in Canada recently as a gift from the Japanese Red Cross.”
“This reason is they are Canadian who are fighting against Japan’s fascist war aims.”
Yellow tab towards the end of the binder tabs:
1913 trip (Victoria College) Toronto
Church News No. 56 September 23, 1949 in Japanese
newspaper obituary notices – all Anglo names
Japanese Families in Manitoba
Original Baptism certificates, 1903 (1922), 1922 (1923), b.1871 (1926), 1910 (1929)
Pharmacy booklet, New Westmintser, B.C.
Fascinating small booklet 4” x 6”, pink background with red script, sponsored by Walter Bews, Drugs & Sick Room Supplies, 659 Columbia St. New Westminster, B.C. Phone 43 (3 Licensed Dispensers) and H.E. Sclater, Druggist, opposite Royal Columbia Hospital Sapperton Phone 1061.
First 8 pages in Japanese
List of handy phrases that a patient would ask or need to ask:
“How long have you been sick?
Have you appetite?
When did you move your bowels?
list of diseases
Will you please change my hot water bag
Will you please telephone for someone to come
When may I leave the hospital?
What would be the best diet?
Please give me an enema
my menses is irregular
Do I need an operation to be cured
I feel as though I am going to vomit
I have no milk
I am bleeding
Please call the nurse”
October 1956 Obituary notice for Rev. Yoshimitsu Akagawa, 76. Served New Westminster, etc, came to Manitoba in 1942, final work in B.C. prior to the war he was building a new church in Mission.
Memoirs Harold T. Mayeda wrote in Japanese in June 1971 “*The most precious book”
BOX 11 Folder 1[These records capture the immediacy, shock, swiftness, and awful efficiency of the evacuations. For this reason I have posted more photos of documents to convey a sense of that immediacy.]]
March 14 & March 19, 1942 telegrams
March 14, Rev. Y. Ono to Mrs. Matsubuchi, Cumberland. “REMAIN THERE UNTIL RECEIVE OFFICIAL LETTER TO EVERYBODY” 1:30 PM [bottom left received/sent 1:33 PM]
March 19, Austin C. Taylor, Chairman B.C. Security Commission to Rev. Y. Ono “YOUR WIRE EIGHTEENTH TO SECURITY COMMISSION RE EVACUATION STOP DUE TO UNFORESEEN CIRCUMSTANCES PLEASE HOLD EVERYONE IN ABEYANCE UNTIL FURTHER INSTRUCTED WHEN THIS COMMISSION WILL PROVIDE SPECIAL TRANSPORTATION” 9:47 AM [bottom left received/sent 10:04 AM]
Rev. Yoshio Ono to Commissioner F. J. Mead R.C.M.P., B.C. Security Commission, Vancouver, B.C. [date?] handwritten on Cumberland Japanese Mission letterhead.
“I have travelled to Vancouver to attend the meeting of the Home Commission of our Church with no trouble by which granted by your Security Commission. [Though] I travelled in the daytime mostly, I should thank you for your kind consideration.
“Might I suggest and draw your attention regarding to the evacuation of this district’s population that we have six hundred and thirty-three are living in this area. It is, I believe, quite adequate to send a boat to Union Bay, which is about centre of this area, o get those people at Union Bay when Vancouver Island east coast evacuation will take place.
“I have met Mr. Morii and promised him that untill we receive a written official document to order our removal we will keep our life in calm.”[unfinished document: with the strikethrough, it is probable that this is his rough copy]
[Note: Ono’s communication with Morii, who was not liked or trusted by Japanese Canadians, but had a close relationship with the RCMP and white community. Gangster]
Typescript letter on B.C. Security Commission letterhead from J. H. Jenkins, Commission, to Rev. Yoshio Ono, March 25, 1942 “I regret to report that it will not be possible to send a boat to Union Bay, as suggested by you. The suggestion was a good one, but the facilities are not available, so the original arrangement will have to stand.”
Typescript letter from Rev. Yoshio Ono to Security Commission, March 26, 1942
PHOTO – Ono asks the commission to reconsider the matter — difficulty of evacuating 600 people from Vancouver Island (Cumberland area) taxi, car, train, bus, boat. He asks for a special boat to Union Bay (declined in another letter). Cumberland citizens are assisting by transporting 400 people in cars. 50 infants, 30 men over 60. Many have never been out of the area before.
Letter (pen & ink) in Japanese on Cumberland Japanese Mission letterhead from Rev. Oshio Ono.
Typescript letter (above) from owner of Deep Bay Logging Company Limited to Major Austin C. Taylor, Chairman, B.C. Security Commission, March 31, 1942. “…all Japanese aliens have already evacuated. Those who remain consisting of, in the most part naturalized subjects and Niseis [first generation Japanese Canadian], are now prepared to leave upon notice under the direction of Mr. T. Kagetsu, a member of the Sub-committee in charge of evacuation.” He writes that there is a labour shortage, that he has 2 ½ million feet of felled logs in the woods that, if logging ceases, will become valueless from insect infestation. He requests permission to hire 23 Nissei or naturalized Canadians for two months so that he can complete his logging operations.
Telegrams March 30, 1942, re: arrangements for the evacuation
From E Morii, Chairman Japanese Security Committee, 362 Alexander St Vancouver, to Rev Yoshio Ono “GEORGE K UCHIYAMA AND MYSELF WISH PERMISSION TRAVEL TO VANCOUVER FOR THREE DAYS TO MAKE COMPLETEARRANGEMENTS RE EVACUATION WITH BC SECURITY COMMISSIO PLEASE ENDEAVOR GET SAME FOR US WIRE REPLY COLLECT URGENT”
SHIRRAS, BC SEC COMM, TO REV. Y. ONO, “GEORGE K UCHIYAMA AND YOURSELF HAVE PERMISSION FROM THE BC SECURITY COMMISSION TO TRAVEL TO VANCOUVER TO COMPETE ARANGEMENTS FOR EVACUATION STOP REPORT TO POLICE BEFORE LEAVING”
PHOTO V.V. [Marsciell] to Japanese Liaison Committee April 7, 1942
Five Japanese Canadian students [one crossed out] and note saying that he certifies that the above named people are “bona fide students of the Cumberland High School”
Telegram to Rev. Ono from Kegetsu, Government Office, April 11, 1942, “HIGH SCHOOL STUDENT MUST BE EVACUATE SAME TIME WITH OTHER AND THEY MAY ENTER IN VANCOUVER HIGH SCHOOL AND TAKE JUNE EXAMINATION”
Grant MacNeil, Assistant to the Chairman, British Columbia Security Commission, to Rev. Oshio Ono, “not possible to grant the Permits you request.”
Lists and lists and lists of people evacuated
Box 11 Folder 2
Wages and family allowance to be paid to the evacuees
Japanese Liaison Committee letterhead, Japanese script
Box 11 Folder 3
List Evacuation Department, typescript “Memorandums Received” re: administration of Evacuations
“THE DETAILS OF INFORMATION AND INSTRUCTIONS TO INTERNEES’ FAMILY”
[Re: Incoming Mail]
“Letters must not be too long, must be legibly written; must show full name and address of the sender do not write on both sides; show the addressee’s name in printed block letters.
Do not have suspicious or objectional drawings or pictures.
Must not have reference to the operations of the war.
Should be written in English, when possible.
Letters may not contain lists of articles sent. Put such lists in parcel.
All articles will be censored; cakes will be cut; tins will be emptied and only contents given.
PROHIBITED ARTICLES: Cigarette paper, all medicine, printed matter an photographs, money stationery and stamps, pen and ink, radio, inflammable materias, liquors, raisens and lemon, any weapon,, foreign newspaper, outer clothing, books dealing with politics, wireless, explosive weapons, chemistry lithography, spying, geography or maps. Second hand books except those donated by recognized charitable organizations.”[Rev. F. T. Tatsu] 2-sided PHOTO, in English, also in Japanese
“Birds Whisper,” May 1, 1942, pen and ink newsletter, handwritten with drawing of bird, children, “Newsreel,” “Orders of B.C. Security Commission,” “Bible Study,” “Immunization,” “Nursery,” “Sports,” “English Conversation Class.” [Note: the mix of the mundane with the extraordinary. This newsletter was produced during mass trauma.]
The papers of Home Mission Superintendent, Rev. W. P. Bunt, can be found in the archives of the United Church of Canada. Rev. Bunt supervised the sale and disposal of Japanese-Canadian property during the Second World War.
“Agenda For Discussion,” [1941-2]
[Note in Section I, what gets cut from the draft document: “democratic principles and citizenship rights.”]
Nagai, et al to Rev. Y. Ono, Hastings Park Hospital, Vancouver
“Mrs. Feimannn, the supervisor, of the Hastings Park Tuberculosis Hospital is endeavoring to raise a Christmas fund for patients.”
October 9, 1942. [?from Ono, from Tashme to Hon. F. P. Bernard, “Vice-Consul of Spain, Protecting power of all Japanese Nationals”
Blank form “Declaration of Destitution”
List Vigilance Committee
List of single men in Tashme
Map, in Japanese, 14 Mile Ranch, Hope, BC
Nisei Mass Evacuation Group NOTICE “Residents of Hastings Park who wish to evacuate to Slocan Valley”
Mutsuko Sumi to Mr. F. P. Bernard, Spanish Vice Consul, “Re: Comforts of the Internees”
Ono? to Pedro Schwartz re: handling charge on mail parcels. Not fair.
Rev. Ono’s Christmas program, 1942.
“The explanatory statement” (below) details a stabbing incident that occurred two weeks after the Christmas concert in Tashme camp, resulting from “accumulated discontent and grievances against the policy of Tashme supervisor, which in the mind of villagers appeared unjust and unfair.” The stabber was intoxicated. [Note: “villagers” suggests that the camp attempted to recreate Japanese village life?]
11-5 Rev. Ono’s Diary [typed Dairy] photocopied “The Work in the Hastings Park Commencing June 17th” [in faint pencil, June 17th – Dec [31st] 1942
The diary entries for the first few months are mostly in English but towards the end Rev. Ono writes mostly in Japanese, perhaps reflecting haste and efficiency in getting his thoughts down. The diary is not a personal journal but rather a daily record of community activities and administrative duties/communications in the camps.
Rev. Ono moved from Hastings Park to Tashme camp in August, 1942
Hastings Park Clearing Station [this sounds like a horrible place. Research. Yes it is horrible //hastingspark1942.ca]
English and Japanese, handwritten and typed, 70 pages, digitized at //hastingspark1942.ca/words-images/reverend-onos-diary/
December 1941 – February 1942 18 issues of The New Canadian
The New Canadian
Canadian Business Magazine, July 1942, “Japanese Round-up”
“But as they took their departure for various designated places far removed from the defence zone, British Columbians, aroused out of the complacency that might have prevailed a few short months ago, did not feel sorry. They felt like saying: “So long, Mr. Fugii, Mr. Suzuki and Mr. Omaki — and don’t hurry back.” “Because, for all their association with the Japanese since the turn of the century, British Columbians never have liked them. They have never completely trusted them; never felt the easy-going tolerance towards them that they have felt toward the Chinese, friendlier and more easily understood.” (30)
“British Columbians, who had been helpless to stem immigration of Orientals despite warnings to Ottawa, watched with misgiving the growth of closely knit, nationalistic Japanese colonies up and down the west coast; watched Japanese crowd white men and women from industrial and mercantile occupations because of their lower living standards….”
Journal? photocopied, [in Japanese]
NOTICE – “To All Persons of Japanese Racial Origin Having Reference to Making Application for Voluntary Repatriation to Japan”
Photocopies of news clippings 1946, 1945, Deportations
Headline [unnamed newspaper, no date] “Morii Wicked, Dangerous Man City School Teacher Testifies”
1942 Morii “Japanese Couple Claim Morii Exacted Tribute for Release”
Nov 5, 1942 “Witness
BOX 16 Japanese-Canadian Research Collection
January 25, 2018
Records of Tokikazu Tanaka, camp leader, spokesperson, commander almost, of Internment Camp 101, where internees, all male it seems?, are referred to as prisoners of war.[Note: Consider the implications of military censorship in the following documents]
Letter [Naomi Tanaka] to Dad, June 3, 1944, handwritten
“2nd anniversary commemorating our evacuation to Kaslo (May 17, 1942)”
Feb 18, 1945 Naomi to Dad, typed from Kaslo
March 19, 1945, mandated move to Tashme, regret, shock
April 29, 1945, cessation of Spanish Gov to represent Japanese interests
PHOTO envelope from Mitsuaki Tanaka [son] to Mr. Tokikazu Tanaka [father], A-591-1249, Internment Camp 101” Angler, Ontario P.O.W. Mails
Father’s Day June 20, 1943 PHOTO [?transcribed from cards? too tidy, all the messages run together, same handwriting but from different children]
Nisei Mass Evacuation Group to Austin C. Taylor, Chairman, B.C. Security Commission, April 15, 1942.
“When we say “NO” at this point, we request you to remember that we are British subjects by birth, that we are no less loyal to Canada than any other Canadian, that we have done nothing to deserve the break-up of our families, that we are law-abiding Canadian citzens, and that we are willing to accept suspension of our civil rights — rights to retain our homes and businesses, boats, cars, radios and cameras. Incidentally, we are entitled[d], as native sons, to all civil rights of an ordinary Canadian within the limitations of Canda’s war effort. In spite of that we have given up everything. In view of this sacrifice we feel our request for mass evacuations in famiy groups will not seem unreasonable to you….
“Considering the above facts, we think it totally unnessary that our last remaining freedom should be taken from us — the freedom to live with our families. We were taught in our Canadian schools that we should always cherish freedom and do our utmost for the protection of women and children. We can now fully appreciate what they meant. We were also taught in our church that the unity of family is sacred and must [be] regarded as God-given human right and should be cherished as life itself.”
Appeals to “British fair play and justice, even in war time.”
Tokikazu Tanaka’s family is broken up and he does not discover the whereabouts of his wife or mother-in-law until August, 1942.
Sept 15, 1942, Pedro Schwartz, Spanish Consul, to Tokikazu Tanaka gives Tanaka’s title as “Camp Leader”
Letters to & from Tokikazu Tanaka & Pedro Schwartz, Spanish consul in charge of Japanese interests in Canada since Japan and Canada became enemies. Spain acted as buffer, intermediary, between internees and the Canadian government. [Note: in letter below, that Schwartz addresses Tanaka as “Esquire” as well as “Camp Leader”]
1944 Tanaka’s title “Japanese Spokesman” Interment Camp #101. He has access to secretary and typewriter
Official records concerning camp life to 1945
Camp Standing orders – strict military routine for POWs. Work parties, duties, details, discipline, duties of camp leader.
“ghost towns” [research]
Official camp correspondence
1945 [in Japanese] – Diary & News
16-Folder 7[in Japanese]
1943 Releases and other docs, [in Japanese]
January 18, 2018 2:00 – 4
Sir James Douglas advertising lottery ticket [hard stock] brilliant colours, Coffee Dan’s Sandwich Shop 714 West Pender Street
30 cent lunch, possibly the 1920s or teens. “All white help.”
Note: the irony that this ticket features the mixed-race colonial governor of British Columbia, Sir James Douglas.
Booklet: Argument advanced by Native Sons of British Columbia in Opposition to Granting of Oriental Franchise (1937)
Pamphlet: Missions to Orientals in Canada 1927 2 PHOTOS
White Canada Crusade Membership Card [2 sides]
Aims and objects of the crusade
Clippings booklet re Chinese United Grower’s Association and the B.C. Marketing Board
“Manson Assails Board,” Vancouver Sun, Friday, June 4, 1937[Possible Research Project: 1937 “potato raids” & harassment: clippings [in Chinese] agricultural marketing board book]
Head Tax Certificates 2 PHOTOS
Letter from Mackenzie King in 1931 expressing his appreciation of a humourous article P. W. Louie in The Province and sharing it with friends.
The Bisector 1928
The Bisector, booklet, Feb-Mar 1928 Successor to the Beacon, [Provincial Library, Victoria]
Canadian Ku Klux Klan operating in Vancouver by 1925.
Ku Klux Klan actvity in Vancouver in 1925 included the six-week confinement and torture of a Chinese Canadian house-servant by members of the police force, the police commission, and prominent newspaper publisher, James Alexander Paton, who would later be elected as MLA for Point Grey and would push for internment of Japanese Canadians during the Second World War .
The Archive speaks.
January 19, 2018
Empress of Russia: Asking for Asiatic Steerage Berths and Accommodation 1919-1922 [note: immediate post-war] [note: anti-Chinese sentiment, like post-war anti-African–American sentiment in the U.S], can be directly linked to the return of WW 1 soldiers, who were resentful towards those who didn’t fight and who competed with them for jobs.
PHOTO CPR May 5 1922 J. J. Forster to Mr. Yip Sang “allotted fifty Asiatic steerage berths”
PHOTO Oct 24 1921 J. J. Forster to Mr. Yip Sang, offering 5 additional berths, “making your total one hundred and thirty”
*PHOTO Dec 23 1921 CHINESE AGENT [Yip Sang] to J. J. Forster – request to reserve two Third Class berths for Mr. and Mrs. S. Okura, travelling to Kobe, Japan.[So, Chinese agent finding berths for Japanese – Cooperation between two groups?]
QUESTION: Has there been an increase/decrease in trans-Pacific travel post-war? Research “coolie” traffic.
PHOTO: Yip Sang letterhead – he is the agent for Canadian Pacific Ocean Services, Limited
Refunds from J. J. Forster, General Agent Passenger Department, Canadian Pacific Steamship Ltd.
Oct 11, 1926, Empress of Canada
Names the people who request refunds – invaluable resource for Chinese Canadians doing family research
103 -6 statements of sold tickets, by ticket number, not name
103-7 Seto More: Personal [c.1919] Nearly all in Chinese language, large characters, beautiful, looks like art! CPR is doing a booming business and accommodates Chinese Canadians by communicating in their language.
April 23 1919 CPR Commissary Agent Frank Cooper to Messrs. Wing Sang & Co
re: Dining Car stores “ 29 barrels of Soy, 100 lbs each”
“As we do not expect to have any further use for this article owing to the Coolie movement having terminated we now wish to dispose of same, and are open to bids from anyone who may wish to purchase same.”
Note: [RESEARCH “Coolie movement”] [RESEARCH attitudes toward visible minorities at the end of WW1 when soldiers returned]
103-12 C.P.O.S. Receiving Letters 1922-1927
Jan 14, 1927, Yip Sang to J.J. Forster
“Please issue annual passes for the year 1927 in favour of my sons, ——–in order—-to enable us to board the CANADIAN PACIFIC STEAMSHIP LINERS.”
[January 4 & January 8, 1923, letter from Yip Sang thanking Forster for the passes for him and his sons.]
NOV 1, 1924 JJ Forster to Mr. Sang Yip
“Mr. Seto More, our Asiatic Passenger Agent.” In the past, Yip Sang was to communicate with Seto More and is now supposed to deal directly with Forster.
103-21 Yip Sang to Forster May 9, 1938 Requesting that he arrange with U.S. Immigration authorities for passenger Mr. Wong Suk Yin, who is traveling from Hong Kong to Vancouver, to go ashore in Honolulu as a tourist ad to visit friends. Yip Sang Company assumes responsibility for his bond of $1000 “as required by regulation.”
Yip Sang’s company has agent in Honolulu
April 27th 1938, similar requests for Chinese merchants of Vancouver.
Question: Were the Chinese merchants in Vancouver also conducting business in Hawaii?
Oct 16, 1934
Chinese merchant going to Shanghai, same request for Honolulu pass
June 25 1934, Miss Lee Gim Yuk, school teacher, same request
103-24 Dec. 6th 1912
Austen of CPR Special Service Department
Cleaning bill for detention shed, six rooms, occupied by U.S. immigration officers
[Much more cooperation between Canadian and U.S. officials than I would have guessed – thinking of US border services now at airport & new legislation allowing Homeland Security/ICE to arrest in Canada]
Nov 15 1915 re: trunk in Victoria, possibly belongs to “bonded Chinese”
March 21 1916 re: Mrs. Lee Shee and two children, “detention shed” en route to Baltimore, poll tax [U.S.]
Oct 24 1916, Chin Hey Mon en route to Hong Kong via Empress of Asia “leading Chinese merchant of Boston…would like to have his freedom in Vancouver”
103-25 Nov 8, 191
Austin to Wing Sang request to “scrub out the immigration office of Mr. Read” [Note:idea of contamination]
PHOTO list of vegetables & implements [for Chinese passengers] rice, potatoes, cabbage
Tax, property, & business expenses
Yip Sang and his family, documents & ephemera related to business activities 1917-1947
Empty business files
Draft Letter Books
Canadian Pacific Chinese gents Ticket Books [folder 2/42] 1926-1940
PHOTO Names – valuable genealogical source
Correspondence and other documents regarding Chinese immigration
122-6 Vancouver Chinese Directories
122-11 Documents and Ephemera related to community and social activities 1914-1956
Blank letterhead Chinese Benevolent Association
Dec 22 1937 “Visitors not Permitted in the Empress Boats”
Question: Why? to prevent stowaways, smuggling? To cover up conditions? Check to see if the ships also accepted first-class, well-to-do passengers, and whether the “no visitors” rule applied to them
PHOTO Report of Lowe Quong Doo (Joseph Hope) attending the Toronto Conference – equal rights
pencilled report [transcribe?]
Sept 22, 1921 Department of Immigration and Colonization “Russia” arrivals, and “Japan” arrivals
Gilean Douglas Fonds
January 10, 2018, 1:00-4:00
[Looking for interviews/correspondence re: Cortes Island, Knight Inlet, Alert Bay, and references to Kwakiutl people, does she cite sources? note in bold any overt colonialist language: there should be some, considering her involvement with Anglican church & Women’s Auxiliary]
Gilean Douglas, Manuscripts Series, Articles, Coast Article, Cortes
2-1 typescript carbon copies (and buff writer’s paper) of published and unpublished poetry
2-6 some have in right corner “Book Rights Reserved”
2-12 short stories, articles.
“He Sowed Beside the Waters”
– a short history of John Antle, rector Holy Trinity, Vancouver, missionary, founder of Columbia Coast Mission 
built Queens Hospital, Rock Bay, hospital ship, “Columbia,”
“St. George’s, Alert Bay” hospital
opened his 4th hospital in 1921 in Carridan Bay, Knight Inlet [on float]
Antle “made many friends and many enemies” p.4
“Sailor For Christ”
Biography of Antle
Bishop Wells sent him to Rossland
repeats text from “He Sowed Beside the Waters”
Kawkiutl brought $1400 in sacks to pay for Xray unit p.5
Sister Kathleen O’Brien service on Village Island
“What One Man Did”
more on Antle’s life, marriage,
articles on Bull Harbour
“The Giatkahtlas of Ogden”
mouth of Skeena, Tsimshian,
slave expeditions 1850s, Chief Sebasha came down to West Coast Vancouver Island, attacked and killed 2 white prospectors in Inland Passage, “murderers” were “caught and executed.” Chief Justice Matthew Begbie sent Sebasha to Metlakatla mission (Anglican) for 5 years, he became a convert, he & family baptized.
backstory William Duncan – slave petitions
p.3 1860s extermination – smallpox
p.4 “Chief Shakes, successor of Sebasha, held out against Christianity for a long time” burned down the mission house in 1885 “But at last he turned to the one true God.” “Gradually all his warriors were converted”
“The Kwakiutls of Cormorant” [after 1951]
Alert Bay, Broughton Strait, Nimpkish River, gillnetters
dirt main street, treed slopes behind, “gravely shores,” “landing floats” “oil-rainbowed water,” charred ruins “reminder that Alert Bay has known several bad fires,”
50-bed St. George’s hospital, Nimpkish Hotel
“Totem poles appeared to be fenced in by electric wires where ancient art and modern artifice had blended in a surrealistic fashion.”
“The old and the new are always coming together in this village of around 1000 persons, mostly Indian, which was still in the stone age when the first explorers arrived in British Columbia. ….PHOTO, p. 2, p.1, p.3 +
“Life and Death at Guayasdums” 2000 words
Gilford Island, stolen Hamatsa whistle, Bella Bella
“Quadra Quartette”[1200 words]
“The Unruly Ucletahs” [c.1950-55]
“Last year there were 5700 Indian pupils in the province and of these 4700 were attending Indian schools. This year well over a thousand are in the public schools and the number will continue to increase until all Indians have been assimilated into the life of British Columbia.” [straight out of Duncan Campbell Scott]
Rev. Rollo Boas of Whaletown, several articles
“A Good Life With Wild Neighbours”
Jim Stanton, big game hunter, guide, conservationist – Knight Inlet — Laurette
Each paragraph of article, handwritten left side “used”
grizzlies, 3 generations of eagles, blue herons
“All This and Grizzlies Too”
Minstrel Island at mouth of Knight Inlet
“minstrel” puns on first page “Negro Hock, Sambo Head, Bones Bay”
The Murphys living at “The Blowhole”
PHOTO all pages
“The Grizzlies of Klinaklinie”[1951-52] [written in red ink, “Rewritten for Canadian Juvenile Mag”]
more Jim and Laurel Stanton
shooting bears, size [1500 lbs]
“North American Indians believe “bears are a race of people as capable of reasoning as we are.”
“Grizzly Guide and Conservation” [handwritten title] marginalia on left, “used”
Nimpkish “Here they met Indians who told them about Knight Inlet, describing it as wild and isolated” “At the end of the Inlet, Dutchman’s Head, a Kwakiutl tribe used to gather to make fish oil during the summer months. Otherwise no one lived in that lovely land.” built cottage 1934
PHOTO p.1, 2, 3
“They Nurse Wounded Grizzlies”
cleaner version of previous article
“slender Mrs. Stanton, who wears blue jeans and a ribbon in her grey hair”
Hollyburn chairlift, West Van
Reviews of Christie Harris’s books “The Trouble with Princesses,” and “Raven”
Skimmed the rest of the box, nothing jumped out. Several articles by Grant Madison, her pseudonym.
[Find “My Dear Husbands” unfinished autobiography – she had four husbands, marriages only lasted a few years each.]
January 17, 2018, 2:30-3:00[Disappointing]
BOX 32-4, John & Emily Sartain
John and Emily Sartain, British — this Emily may be a distant cousin of John & Emily Sartain, the American artist/engravers of Philadelphia. The ES in this file is a watercolour artist, specializing in floral paintings, many used for greeting cards. She came to Canada in 1939, stayed through the war, lived in the West End, visited Victoria, many art shows and tours in B.C., favourite of Queen Mary. 6 PHOTOS typescripts of her life and shows, her handwritten comments to Gilean Douglas on the typescripts in green ink. 2 PHOTOS Vancouver Province article on her.
BOX 32-5, Francis Webb
The Francis Webb file folder is also disappointing. Not the Australian poet who was in Canada during the war, not Frank J. Webb, the novelist. This Francis Webb was a locomotive superintendent in England who “reigned devastatingly” from 1872-1905. Much of this folder is manuscript and correspondence to GD from H. G. Scott of Ragusa, North Pender Island, 1951-52. Douglas had edited his manuscript. Scott has asked her to submit his writing to publishers and he invites her to attach her own name as author and for him to be named “Nemesis.”
32-6 Notes on Silence
Notes for follow up: See if she has photographed scenes or artifacts in Alert Bay, Cortes Island, or Knight Inlet, that complement the text in Box 2 folders.
Folders to check if I go further with GD
6-12 “My Dear Husbands”
6-13“Notes on Autobiography”
BOX 12 – Coast research
BOX 14 – Research